By Janet Ajzenstat, Michael Sean Smith
Ajzenstat and Smith problem the belief of Canada as a rustic whose liberal individualism, in contrast to that of the USA, is redeemed by means of a practice of presidency intervention in financial and social lifestyles: the so-called "tory touch." This ground-breaking ebook starts with the now vintage article within which the purple tory view used to be formulated. It then provides a brand new and illuminating photo of Canadian political existence, within which liberal individualism confronts no longer toryism however the participatory culture of civic republicanism. within the ultimate part the 2 editors, one a liberal, the opposite a civic republican, debate the the most important questions dominating Canadian politics today-including Quebec's look for recognition-from the viewpoint in their shared knowing of Canada's founding.
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Extra info for Canada's Origins: Liberal, Tory, or Republican?
But he could not move from dead centre until CCF power became so great that the necessity of moving was clear, not only to himself but to all realistic politicians. King's best self wanted to innovate; yet he saw the Liberal party not as a great innovating force but as the party that would implement reforms once they had been popularized by the CCF. Yet he wanted to absorb the CCF. The lot of the centrist politician is not a happy one. The absence of Lockean "monotheism" strengthened socialism in Canada.
30. J. W. Pickersgill, The Liberal Party (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1962) 68. 43 31. Pickersgill, Party 26-27. 32. J. W. Pickersgill, The Mackenzie King Record (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1960) 10. 33. The Globe and Mail 29 September 1943. 34. Pickersgill, Record 571. 35. National Liberal Federation, The Liberal Party 53. 36. ReaW 601. 37. M. J. Coldwell, personal interview, 28 March 1962. 38. R. Alford, Party and Society (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963) ch. 9. 39. Peter Regenstrief, "Group Perceptions and the Vote," Papers on the 1962 Election, ed.
The similarity of socialism and Liberal Reform could be acknowledged; indeed it could be emphasized and used to attract the socialist vote. At the same time, King had to answer the arguments of socialism, and in doing so he had to spell out his liberalism. He had to stop short of socialism openly. Social reform, yes; extension of public ownership, yes; the welfare state, yes; increased state control of the economy, yes; but not too much. Not socialism. The result was that King, like the European liberals, could not go as far as Roosevelt.